If you’re alarmed by the rise of Christian nationalism, the worst thing you can do is define it too broadly. If you define that too broadly, you’re telling millions of ordinary, church-going citizens that importing their religious values into the public square somehow puts them in the same camp or on the other. same side as the true Christian supremacists, the illiberal authoritarians who want to remake America in their own fundamentalist image.
Enter the new feature-length documentary “God and country”, which examines the role of Christian nationalism in American politics. Before I even knew that Rob Reiner (the director of “A Few Good Men”) was involved in the project, I agreed to be interviewed by the filmmakers for two main reasons: First, I wanted to make sure I could offer a sensible approach. definition of Christian nationalism, a definition that does not cast accusations on Christians simply because they have brought their values into the public square. And second, I wanted to explain exactly why true Christian nationalism presents a real danger to our Constitution.
To understand what Christian nationalism is, it is important to understand what it is not. It is not Christian nationalism if a person’s political values are shaped by their Christian faith. In fact, many of America’s most important social movements have been infused with Christian theology and Christian activism. Many of our country’s abolitionists thundered their condemnations of slavery chairs of the North. The civil rights movement was by no means exclusively Christian, but it was deeply Christian – Martin Luther King Jr. was, of course, a Baptist minister.
Anyone can disagree with Christian arguments on civil rights, immigration, abortion, religious freedom, or any other point of political conflict. Christians constantly disagree with each other on these topics, but it is no more illegitimate or dangerous for a believer to introduce their worldview into public debate than for a secular person to introduce their own reasoning. secular morality in politics. In fact, I have learned from faiths other than my own, and our public space would be impoverished without access to the thoughts and ideas of believing Americans.
The problem with Christian nationalism is not Christian participation in politics, but rather the belief that there should be Christians. primacy in politics and law. It can manifest through ideology, identity and emotion. And if this were to be imposed, it would upset our Constitution and fracture our society.
Sociologists Samuel Perry and Andrew Whitehead define Christian nationalism is a “cultural framework that blurs the distinctions between Christian identity and American identity, viewing the two as closely related and seeking to strengthen and preserve their union.” Author and Pastor Matthew McCullough defines Christian nationalism is “an understanding of American identity and significance held by Christians, in which the nation is a central actor in the world-historical designs of the Christian God.” Both definitions are great, but what does ideological Christian nationalism look like in practice?
In 2022, a coalition of right-wing writers and leaders published a document entitled “National Conservatism: A Declaration of Principles”. Its section on God and public religion states: “Where a Christian majority exists, public life must be rooted in Christianity and its moral vision, which must be honored by the state and other public and private institutions. » This is an extraordinary – and worrying – ideological statement that would immediately relegate non-Christians to second-class status. This is completely contrary to the First Amendment and would impose a form of forced deference to Christianity on both religious minorities and non-religious people.
But Christian nationalism is not just rooted in ideology; it is also deeply rooted in identity, the belief that Christians should govern. It is the heart of Mandate of the Seven MountainsA domineering movement emerging from American Pentecostalism which is, to put it bluntly, Christian identity politics on steroids. Paula White, Donald Trump’s closest spiritual advisor, is a memberAnd so is Alabama Chief Justice Tom Parker, who wrote a concurring opinion in the court record. recent IVF decision. The movement maintains that Christians are called to lead seven key societal institutions: family, church, education, media, arts, business and government.
However, one does not have to go all the way into Seven Mountains theology to find examples of Christian identity politics. The use of Christianity as an unofficial but necessary qualification for office is a common practice in politics in the most religious parts of America. Additionally, one of Red America’s common arguments for Trump is that he may not be pious himself, but he will put many Christians in government.
But what is Christian identity politics if not another form of Christian supremacy? How does Christian identity alone make someone a better candidate for office? After all, many of the worst actors in American politics are professed believers. Scandal And Corruption are so invasive In the church that when people say, “I’m a Christian,” it tells me almost nothing about their wisdom or virtue.
Finally, we cannot forget the intense emotion of Christian nationalism. Most believers do not follow ideological and theological arguments very closely. In the words of historian Thomas Kidd, “true Christian nationalism is more a visceral reaction than a rationally chosen position.” In other words, it is linked to a visceral dimension. The feeling that the fate of the Church is closely linked to the outcome of a given political race.
This fervor can make believers gullible and potentially even dangerous. Its good versus evil dynamic can make Christians believe that their political opponents are capable of anything, including stealing an election. This artificially raises the stakes of the elections to the point where a defeat turns into an unthinkable catastrophe, with the fate of both Churches. And the state is at stake. As we saw on January 6, 2021, this belief invites violent action.
Committed Christian nationalists only represent 10 percent of the population, according to a 2023 PRRI/Brookings Christian Nationalism Survey. But even members of such a small minority can gain outsized power when they integrate into the larger Christian electorate, presenting themselves as ” just like you “. This is why we cannot confuse Christian activism with Christian nationalism. We can welcome Christian participation in the public square while resisting domination, whatever our faith or belief.
