Gone are the days when politicians loved Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi And Shahnawaz Hussain were rare, as the number of minority leaders in the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was concerned. The face of Indian politics has changed enormously since the BJP and its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) allies came to power at the Center in 2014. The Congress era is seen by many as a period of “the appeasement of minorities”and the BJP capitalized about this feeling. The story is no different across states. The question of appeasement versus polarization changes depending on which side of the political divide one is on.
In the past, the BJP, even as it consolidated Hindu votes for elections, never made the mistake of considering Muslims as a homogeneous bloc. The party tried to reach out to ‘Pasmanda’ or OBC and Dalit Muslims with the aim of making them aware of the various projects launched by the government for the minorities. Pasmanda Muslims, who make up over 85 per cent of the entire Muslim population in India, constitute an attractive vote bank for the BJP, hence the well-calculated moves to woo them. The ‘Modi Mitr’ awareness campaign was one such measure to convey the BJP’s feel-good message to the community.
Welcoming minorities
The BJP has seen an influx of minority leaders in recent years. Even if these names are not visible, the symbolism of their entry can nevertheless give legitimacy to the BJP among the sections of society who view it unfavorably. Strengthening the minority influence of the BJP in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections, Syed Talef Taji, the “sajjada nashin” (custodian) of the Tajbagh dargah in Nagpur, joined the BJP on March 18. Meanwhile, in Madhya Pradesh, Syed Jaffar, a key aide of former chief minister Kamal Nath, switched allegiance to the BJP, expressing support for the Citizenship (Amendment) Act.
Earlier, the BJP, in its first list released on March 2, had announced Abdul Salam, former vice-chancellor of Calicut University, as its candidate from Malappuram in Kerala.
“The Muslim community has given a chance to the Congress, the Trinamool, the Samajwadi Party, the Bahujan Samaj Party, the Nationalist Congress Party and others since Independence to improve their lot. But nothing has been done to uplift them socially, economically or Seeing the development in many areas over the last decade, Muslims have realized that only the BJP can help them grow,” says Jamal Siddiqui, national president of the BJP Minority Morcha.
On December 29 last year, the BJP’s efforts to rebuild its ties with Christian communities in Kerala ahead of the upcoming Lok Sabha elections received a major boost with the joining of 47 Christian families, led by a diocesan secretary of the Orthodox Church. On March 2, Anil Antony, son of former defense minister and veteran Congressman AK Antony, was fielded by the BJP from Pathanamthitta seat in Kerala.
Spread the word
This time, the BJP seems to have upped its game in two ways. First, it wants to be seen as a credible party that “leads by example”. To justify this, he fulfilled three major promises from his three-decade-old manifesto: Ram Mandir, repeal of Article 370 and CAA. These three actions, although criticized by opposition parties as anti-Muslim, presented the BJP as a results-oriented voice that can be trusted.
Second, the BJP realizes that there are more than 65 of the 543 Lok Sabha constituencies where Muslims constitute more than 30% of the voters. According to the data, the BJP won around 9% of the Muslim votes in the last two Lok Sabha elections (2014 and 2019) and could aim for around 16% of its votes this time. Instead of seeing the situation as irreversible, the party is seeking to woo Muslim leaders who are not totally opposed to the BJP and who can be swayed in its favour. The party uses its development agenda, pro-women stance and inclusive policies to achieve them.
“Many communities that do not traditionally vote for the BJP are moving towards the party due to the party’s policies, potential benefits and lack of alternatives – such as a loss of confidence in the opposition, which is becoming more engaged to denigrate the BJP rather than proposing viable alternative policies,” says Harish Ramaswamy, a Bangalore-based political analyst.
Concerns of Christians in Kerala
Similarly, in a bid to reach out to the Christian community, Prime Minister Modi hosted Delhi-based Christians of various sects at his home on Christmas 202. Although a symbolic gesture, his participation in the festivities sent a signal to both his detractors and Hindu hardliners that the BJP wants to include non-Hindus in its fold. The party was ultimately supported by two main sects of Orthodox Christians in Kerala.
There is a perception that the Christian community is concerned about the growing demographic and economic prosperity of the Muslim community and sees it as a threat to peaceful coexistence in Kerala. They are also disappointed with the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), the main opposition party. So the community may not be averse to supporting the BJP. The BJP’s North East model is also a good example.
Over the last ten years, although the BJP has remained stable at the Centre, it has won and lost assembly elections in several states. We are thus witnessing an influx of leaders from other parties, confident in the return of the BJP to the Centre. Thus, minority leaders, not wanting to lament lost opportunities, hope that they will be rewarded with prominent roles within the BJP if they help it overcome the perceived Muslim “wall”.
Well-being for all
In anticipation, the BJP tried to reach out to various factions among Muslims. Bohri Muslims witnessed Modi’s governance in Gujarat during his tenure as the state’s chief minister. The Pasmandas of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and other parts of India, being the least privileged, are interested in the party’s social programs. The BJP has also introduced several measures to support community development in Uttar Pradesh.
A third section among Muslims that the party hopes to garner support are women, who were happy with the 2017 Supreme Court judgment declaring Triple Talaq unconstitutional. The BJP’s promise to reform discriminatory personal laws, coupled with projects like Ujjwala and Ayushman Bharat, could influence a section of Muslim women. While these measures may not reap huge dividends, the BJP appears to be acting in a calculated manner with a long-term vision.
“Contrary to the perception created in 2014, Prime Minister Modi’s government has implemented several pro-minority programs over the last ten years, which have benefited Muslims,” says Siddiqui.
Consolidating its position among Christians and Muslims and converting them into regular, regular voters could take decades. It’s time the BJP starts integrating its 2019 slogan, Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, into its DNA. Greater representation of all sections of society in legislatures and Parliament will give the BJP legitimacy in the eyes of its detractors, inside and outside the country.
(Bharti Mishra Nath is a senior journalist)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author.
